Guinea. Economic analysis

The ethnic factor in Guinea remains as important for the country's domestic political situation as ever: its territory is inhabited by several dozens of ethnic groups (they speak Niger-Congo languages); the most numerous of them are: the Peuhl (about 30% of the population), the Malinke (25%) and the Soussou (15%). But if in the earlier times the main sources of inter-ethnic tensions were territorial and religious arguments along with the growing self-consciousness of minor ethnic groups, now it's a matter of the national elites' rivalry and struggle for political influence in the country. The Constitution of 1990 imposed a ban on forming political parties on the ethnic / territorial criterion, but the current situation calls for more effective measures: ethnic unity seems to be drawing people together faster than anything else. Territorial settling of Guinean nationalities dates back to the XVIII century is now almost legally secured in the official administrative division of Guinea into 4 regions (the so-called "Natural regions" don't include Conakry which has a special status). In each of them there's an ethnic group that prevails and considers it to be a region "of its own". For example, the Soussou prevail in the Coastal Guinea (19% of the electorate), the Peuhl dominate in the Middle Guinea (23%), the Malinke inhabit the Upper Guinea (20%) and the "Forestiers" dwell in the Woodland Guinea (20%). Besides that, ethnic unions appear in big cities. For example, in Conakry the Soussou make up the majority in Kalum and Dixien communes, while the Peuhl prevail in Ratomah and Matoto.

Along with administrative and self-government bodies, there still exist and are functioning councils of elders. They are widely respected and play an important role in solving local conflicts and arguments. The social-political weight of the local "clan aristocracy" is also noticeable. All these circumstances have an inevitable impact on the political aspect of the interrelations between different Guinean nationalities.

The majority of the 44 officially registered political parties are practically based on the ethnic principle. The ruling Party for Unity and Progress (PUP) seems to be the only exception. The President and a group of his political supporters did their best to widen the party's ethnic-political social basis before the presidential elections of 1998. Bearing in mind that the Guinean people are against one-party rule (like it happened with S.Toure and the Malinke ethnic-political dictatorship), L.Conte - a Soussou - proclaimed achieving national unity and giving PUP the status of National party the two main aims of the current time. By doing this he attracted many votes and eventually won the 1998 elections. As a result, PUP broke out of the narrow frameworks of the region it was traditionally supported by (the Coastal Guinea) and now claims to be the only National party in Guinea.

Guinean leaders are trying to secure an ethnic balance in the administration. For example, the Prime Minister is a Malinke (L.Sidime), the chairman of the National Congress is a Peuhl (B.B.Diadlo) and the chairman of the Economic and Social Council - a Forestier (M.Kamano)

Compared to other African countries, the inter-ethnic tensions in Guinea have a much lower influence on the internal policy. The administration does everything possible to promote the principles of national unity and inter-ethnic cooperation. Another positive factor is that different tribes and ethnic groups don't prohibit mixed marriages, which leads to establishing more friendly relations between them. Besides, all Guineans can speak French language and 90% profess Islamic religion (its Guinean version is known for promoting religious tolerance). Despite the fact that the Soussou prevail in the government and in the administration, Guinea pursues a strict policy of making these organs as multi-ethnic as possible.